The
significance of organizational effectiveness and the development
of "social capital,"—of unplanned, informal, face-to-face
communications as they occur around the water cooler, at the coffee
station, or in stairwell—is championed in a recent book,
as reviewed earlier this year by Fred Andrews in the New York
Times, February 25, 2001, sec. BU.
The
book, In Good Company: How Social Capital Makes Organizations
Work, is primarily directed -- with concern -- to the emerging
popularity of many forms of distant, time-spaced cyberspace communications.
The authors do not believe that there is any substitute for regular,
informal, face-to-face, collegial communications. They see these
kinds of traditional, old fashioned, and very commonplace personal
exchanges as being central to the building of "social capital"
within an organization. They are quoted as saying: "Telling
and listening to stories, chatting, sharing a little gossip, are
the main ways that people in organizations come to trust and understand
one another."
These
comments reminded us of some insights put forth in an early essay
in Harmony. In this essay, "The Uniqueness and Commonality
of American Symphony Orchestra Organizations," the author
highlighted the "propinquity," or "togetherness,"
that characterizes the life and work of orchestral musicians.
Along with the very unifying aspect of an orchestral score leading
to the synchronized production of sound, there is the close physical
closeness and face-to-face interaction of players on stage, in
rehearsal and in concert, furthered by backstage, dressing room,
and touring togetherness.
Couple
all this propinquity with the fact that orchestra employees tend
to have much longer institutional service than staff employees
or board and other volunteers. Orchestras thus generally possess,
as a group, more institutional memory than other constituent groups.
As a group, orchestra members tend to "remember" what
has gone on -- what has worked and not worked within the organization
over the years -- and as a group, engage quite naturally in storytelling
or "organizational narrative."
It is also
clear that people who work together over a long period of time,
on balance, begin to know and trust each other, and are able to
predict and rely on each other's behavior, relatively more so
than with respect to persons not known as long or well.
In
addition, as pointed out in the earlier mentioned essay, orchestras
generally physically work in spaces that are quite separate from
the spaces used by staff, boards, and volunteers. Symphony office
and meeting room space just doesn't typically adjoin and flow
into performance hall and backstage space. Thus, the natural propinquity
of orchestra members is magnified by the very distinct isolation
of orchestral vs. staff/board workspace. This also means that,
generally, the institutional memory within an orchestra is not
informally shared by regular exchanges and storytelling with staff
and volunteers around a central water cooler or coffee location.
Storytelling does take place, but essentially between members
of the orchestra, especially older members sharing history with
newer members.
There
are many steps that orchestral organizations could take (and perhaps
some are taking) to better physically and intellectually mix personnel,
break down separatism, and provide physical conditions for more
informal, recurring personal communication and a sharing of institutional
memory and narrative among all organizational participants.
Reading
Cohen,
Don and Prusak, Laurence. 2001. In Good Company: How Social Capital
Makes Organizations Work. Harvard Business School Press.
The
Uniqueness and Commonality of American Symphony Orchestra Organizations.
October 1995. Harmony #1
Action
If
you are a participant in an organization which has found some
answers to these issues, please send along a brief report of the
steps taken. If you have suggestions for what might be done, send
along your ideas. Your thoughts, edited with space and readability
factors in mind, will be considered for publication below.
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